I cannot remember if it was published on the press, or it was as annalists on the TV. It was 4 years ago, at the start of the war. I’m almost sure if it was Jordi Borràs i Abelló, Miquel Ramos or Xavier Rius Sant, the only 3 journalists specialized on fascism that I know. His analysis was mostly since the start of the Ukrainian Civil War (2014-?); it mentioned the low number of fascist parliamentarians in the last elections (between 1 or 3) and how they have been decreasing form past elections at the same time that more anti ethnics Russian Ukrainians and fascist-glorification policies were put into effect by the majoritarian parties.
I cannot find it, but in this 2015 article of Anton Shekhovtsov, shares partially the same point of view (page 85, emphasis mine):
[…][the fascist] Tyahnybok could position himself as the leader of allegedly the only patriotic party. But during the revolution, and especially after Russia’s annexation of Crimea, all popular democratic parties became patriotic, so [the fascist party] Svoboda lost its “monopoly”. […]
No, it’s just not. If you’re going to make sweeping statements like that, you’re going to need to source them in order to convince people here.
LOL. Ok, “a lot” is obviously an exaggeration.
I cannot remember if it was published on the press, or it was as annalists on the TV. It was 4 years ago, at the start of the war. I’m almost sure if it was Jordi Borràs i Abelló, Miquel Ramos or Xavier Rius Sant, the only 3 journalists specialized on fascism that I know. His analysis was mostly since the start of the Ukrainian Civil War (2014-?); it mentioned the low number of fascist parliamentarians in the last elections (between 1 or 3) and how they have been decreasing form past elections at the same time that more anti ethnics Russian Ukrainians and fascist-glorification policies were put into effect by the majoritarian parties.
I cannot find it, but in this 2015 article of Anton Shekhovtsov, shares partially the same point of view (page 85, emphasis mine):