a) Israel is the historical homeland of the Jewish people in which the state of Israel was established.
b) The state of Israel is the nation-state of the Jewish people, in which it actualizes its natural, religious, and historical right for self-determination.
c) The actualization of the right of national self-determination in the state of Israel is unique to the Jewish people.
…
The state views Jewish settlement as a national value and will labor to encourage and promote its establishment and development.
Furthermore, two million Palestinians live within pre-1967 Israel borders with the ability to vote. Three
million Palestinians live under military occupation in the West Bank. Two million Palestinians survive in what was an open air prison and now is one big death camp. All Jews, including those in the West Bank, enjoy full rights.
Arab families are greatly over-represented among Israel’s poor: over half
of Arab families in Israel are classified as poor, compared to an average
poverty rate of one-fifth among all families in Israel. Arab towns and
villages are heavily over-represented in the lowest socio-economic
rankings, and the unrecognized Arab Bedouin villages in the Naqab are
the poorest communities in the state
Direct state policy measures to reduce poverty disproportionately target
Jewish citizens, with the result that poverty rates have fallen far more
sharply among Jewish citizens than among their Arab counterparts, and
inequalities have consequently persisted.
Admissions committees operate in around 700 agricultural and
community towns and filter out Arab applicants, on the basis of their
“social unsuitability”, from future residency in these towns. The operation
of admissions committees contributes to the institutionalization of racially-
segregated towns and villages throughout the state and perpetuates
unequal access to the land.
The Jewish National Fund (JNF)—a body with quasi-state authority that
operates solely for the interests of the Jewish people and controls 13%
of the land in the state—continues to wield decisive influence over land
policy in Israel, having been allocated six of a total of 13 members of the
newly-established Land Authority Council.
Arab towns and villages in Israel suffer from severe overcrowding, with Arab municipalities exercising jurisdiction over only 2.5% of the total area of the
state. Since 1948, the State of Israel has established approximately 600 Jewish
municipalities, whereas no new Arab village, town or city has ever been built.
Israel is currently intensifying its efforts to forcibly evacuate the
unrecognized villages in the Naqab (referred to as “illegal clusters”),
including by demolishing entire villages, as recently witnessed in the
repeated demolition of the village of Al-Araqib. In pursuing this policy,
the state has rejected the option of affording recognition to these villages,
many of which predate the establishment of Israel. Between 75,000 and
90,000 Arab Bedouin live in the unrecognized villages in the Naqab, whom
the state characterizes as “trespassers on state land”.
State funding to Arab schools in Israel falls far behind that provided to
Jewish schools. According to official state data published in 2004, the state
provides three times as much funding to Jewish students as to Arab pupils.
This underfunding is reflected in many areas, including relatively large
class sizes and poor infrastructure and facilities.
A series of Israeli laws institute a range of restrictions on freedom
of movement, freedom of speech, and access to the political system,
including ideological limitations on the platforms of political parties and
severe restrictions on travel by MKs to Arab states classified as “enemy
states”. Such laws are used predominantly to curb the political freedoms
of Palestinian citizens and their elected representatives and are steadily
shrinking the space for political action available to them
Even the roots of Israel are established in violent acts of what can only be described as terrorism. Of course one person’s terrorist is another’s freedom fighter. Israel is one of the main originators of the car bomb. But you can read more about the Irgung gangs and terrorism committed by Israel’s founders if you choose.
Buda’s wagon was, in essence, the prototype car bomb: the first use of an inconspicuous vehicle, anonymous in almost any urban setting, to transport large quantities of high explosive into precise range of a high-value target. It was not replicated, as far as I have been able to determine, until January 12, 1947 when the Stern Gang drove a truckload of explosives into a British police station in Haifa, Palestine, killing 4 and injuring 140. The Stern Gang (a pro-fascist splinter group led by Avraham Stern that broke away from the right-wing Zionist paramilitary Irgun) would soon use truck and car bombs to kill Palestinians as well: a creative atrocity immediately reciprocated by British deserters fighting on the side of Palestinian nationalists.
Israel’s own law states that it is an ethnostate. One of it’s foundational laws reads:
Furthermore, two million Palestinians live within pre-1967 Israel borders with the ability to vote. Three million Palestinians live under military occupation in the West Bank. Two million Palestinians survive in what was an open air prison and now is one big death camp. All Jews, including those in the West Bank, enjoy full rights.
More details of the racial inequities:
That clause C is fairly damning, I suppose you’re right. While that law seems to be fairly new, the law is the law.
Even the roots of Israel are established in violent acts of what can only be described as terrorism. Of course one person’s terrorist is another’s freedom fighter. Israel is one of the main originators of the car bomb. But you can read more about the Irgung gangs and terrorism committed by Israel’s founders if you choose.
Buda’s wagon was, in essence, the prototype car bomb: the first use of an inconspicuous vehicle, anonymous in almost any urban setting, to transport large quantities of high explosive into precise range of a high-value target. It was not replicated, as far as I have been able to determine, until January 12, 1947 when the Stern Gang drove a truckload of explosives into a British police station in Haifa, Palestine, killing 4 and injuring 140. The Stern Gang (a pro-fascist splinter group led by Avraham Stern that broke away from the right-wing Zionist paramilitary Irgun) would soon use truck and car bombs to kill Palestinians as well: a creative atrocity immediately reciprocated by British deserters fighting on the side of Palestinian nationalists.